I.

THE ANTECEDENT CREDIBILITY OF THE
MIRACULOUS.

Tà adúnata parà anthrópois dunatá isti parà tô Theô.
                                                                                Luke xviii. 27.

Tí ápiston krínetai par humîn eí ho Theòs toùs nekroùs egeírei;
                                                                                  Acts xxvi. 8.


HEB. II. 4.

God also bearing them witness, both with signs and wonders and with divers miracles, and gifts of the Holy Ghost, according to His own will.

HE, my brethren, who having been ordained to the ministry of the word, stands up to preach the gospel which his Master taught, ought to do so on all occasions with as little fear or misgiving as an ambassador in delivering the message of a king. If he be telling of that which by Faith he has heard and seen, and his hands have handled, of the Word of Life—if he not only believe in his utmost soul the truths he utters, but would be ready, if need were, to die for them—then his heart should not beat one throb the faster, though, like the Apostles of old, he were standing before Philosophers at Athens or Emperors at Rome. But the case of one who stands here and in this office, of one who has rather to argue than to apply, rather to defend than to enforce, is not the same. The transcendent majesty and unutterable value of the truths which he maintains—the oppressive sense of his own insufficiency—the knowledge that many far better and wiser and more learned than himself have been his predecessors, and that many far better and wiser and more learned than himself will listen to his words—all these considerations may well paralyse his energy and chill his heart. And yet if he have no other aim than to give a manly reason for the truth that is in him; if, with single-hearted simplicity, he strive to set forth some one fragment at least1 of those arguments which have wrought in his own soul the strength of its convictions and the security of its hopes, then he may at once take courage. Happy he who, in an age which has been described as "destitute of faith yet terrified at scepticism," can still say Manet immota Fides; happier still is he, to whom, "having the witness in himself2," may be given the high grace of labouring to strengthen the faith of others. And if, after well-nigh two thousand years of apologetic literature, but little room for originality be left, on the other hand the arguments of those two millenniums have established the truth upon a more impregnable foundation3; if the lapse of centuries have dimmed for us the historic brightness of the facts of our religion, they have at least attested the permanence and the beneficence of the system which rests upon them as its base. And since, undeniably, the rock on which Christ built His Church has risen unshaken out of the stormiest waves of past assault, we may well feel an undaunted confidence, that even amid the decuman billows of modern scepticism it shall remain immovable as the granite bases of the world. It may be deluged again and again by the fiercely recurrent surge,—it may be hidden again and again from the eyes of the multitude by the blinding spray,—but it is there; and so long as the feet of the Church militant on earth be planted firm upon that living rock, she may indeed be desolate, she may be wounded, she may be oppressed, but so long we believe and are sure that "the gates of Hell shall not prevail against her (Matt. xvi. 18)."

        It was the direction of the pious founder of these lectures4 that they should deal with recent attacks upon the faith of Christians. In his day such attacks were sufficiently rare to be easily distinguishable, sufficiently definite to be separately resisted. It is not so now. We are, as it were, in the very focus of the storm. It is not that every now and then there is a burst of thunder and a glare of lightning; but the whole air is electric with quivering flames. And what is the point around which all the dangers of the storm converge? Not around minor questions, the mere adiáphora of Theology, the things unessential respecting which there need be only charity: but the storm now rages about the very Ark of God. It is the Divinity of Christ himself which is called in question, and we are challenged to prove that the most sacred archives of our religion are not a delusion or a lie. Nor is it any longer against this or that treatise that we must defend the most vital principles of Christian doctrine. It is against whole literatures; it is against whole philosophies; it is against the vague doubts of eminent thinkers; it is against the innumerable sneers, the repeated assumptions, the ever-varying criticisms of a powerful and intellectual press. It is impossible to deny the fact, it is useless to deplore it. "Our duty," said Spinosa, "is neither to ridicule the affairs of men, nor to deplore, but simply to understand them." And meanwhile it may fortify us to bear in mind that of these attacks we were from the first forewarned. "This child is set for a sign which shall be spoken against (Luke ii. 34)," said the aged Simeon as he pressed the yet infant Saviour to his heart. His cross from the first was to the Jews a stumbling-block, and to the Greeks foolishness; His earliest Apostles were denounced as "pestilent fellows and ringleaders of sedition5;" His Gospel was stigmatised by haughty historians as an "exitiabilis superstitio6," and His self-denying children in their purest and sweetest days were distinguished by this fact only, that "everywhere they were spoken against7."

        Eighteen hundred years have passed away, and, side by side with a happy awakenment to life and energy, we cannot deny that there is a wide-spread defection from the faith which our fathers held; nor does it require much insight to recognise that the causes of this falling away are both moral and intellectual. To enter briefly into those causes—to show that neithet Philosophy nor Criticism has shaken one truth of Christianity—to show the extent and the glory of its individual, social and political victories, and thus to demonstrate the mighty Witness borne by History to the faith of Christ—will be the object of these Lectures; and I pray that with all their feebleness and imperfections they may be blessed by His Holy Spirit to the brightening of our hopes, and the deepening of our charity, by the establishment and the increase of our faith in the Son of God.

        Now in attributing the spread of disbelief in part to moral causes I would at the outset, and with deep sincerity and earnestness, guard myself against a misconception. It has been a common, and I may add a deplorable mistake among Christian controversialists, to assume that error in the judgment must necessarily be caused by depravity in the heart. Nothing has led to deeper irritation, or more directly tended to harden into an antichristian attitude the minds of men who might have been won by less ungenerous arguments, than this endeavour to suppress free inquiry under the crushing and insulting charge of moral obliquity. To silence a doubt, or slur a difference under the uncharitable haughtiness of "we know that this man is a sinner," (John ix. 24) is a mixture of religious Pharisaism with social impertinence8 and it is least of all excusable in an age which has seen a doubtful or even an adverse position towards the truth of our religion maintained by men who have deepened our love for all that is great in conduct and pure in thought, and who in their stainless lives and noble utterance give the unconscious testimony of "minds naturally Christian9." But while we utterly condemn in religious controversy the mixture of moral innuendo with intellectual proof, we are justified, as a warning to our own hearts no less than those of others, in asserting the undeniable truth that sometimes, though not necessarily, and in some instances, though not in all, the first rills of heresy have flowed from the bitter fountains of a perverse will or a corrupted heart. It remains as true now as in the days of the Apostles that "the natural man receiveth not the things of the Spirit of God10," and that "spiritual things must be spiritually discerned." The voice from heaven saying "This is my beloved Son" sounded to most of those who heard it but as the dull roll of the thunder; to some only as the unintelligible voice of an angel; to very few as the distinct and articulate utterance of God11. If it was a Christian historian who took for his motto "Pectus est quod facit theologum12," it was a sceptical poet (Göthe) who wrote, "As are the inclinations so are the opinions," it was an idealising philosopher who said "that our system of thought was often only the history of our heart13." Oh my brethren, we may lose our faith in Christ from many causes, and from some which it is not for fallible man to denounce or to condemn; but it is well for us to know there is undoubtedly one path which leads with dangerous frequency from practical faithlessness to speculative infidelity; from the "Yea, hath God said?" to the "Ye shall not surely die14." Let us then at least beware that in us unholiness do not cloud the spiritual eye and dull the spiritual ear: for the rank mists which reek upward from the sinful heart do tend most fatally to obliterate the Image, the Memory, the Life of Christ—they end by hiding from the human soul even the vision of its Creator in fold on fold of a more and more impenetrable night15.

        In speaking, however, of the moral causes for prevalent disbelief, I am not alluding at all to single cases, but to that subtler, more indefinable, more general something which we may call the Spirit of the Age. If pride and fashion have often been fatal conspirators against individual faith, so have wider but more specious evils wrought a certain atrophy in the spiritual life of nations and centuries. Ages of the most advanced refinement have not unfrequently been ages of the most open unbelief16. At the zenith of their civilization nations have often been at the nadir of their faith17. There has been on absorbing luxury, and luxury makes the heart soft, and effeminate, and vulnerable: there has been an eager race for wealth, and the love of wealth deadens all the soul's finer sensibilities; there have been unbounded means of gratification, and selfish pleasure makes men earthly, and cruel, and coarse. Entangled in complex interests, amused by incessant frivolities, stimulated by restless excitements, beguiled by the dazzling treacheries of a refined immorality, for such ages the horizon of life has dwindled into an ever-narrowing circle, and amid the dust and glare of material interests, all heavenly hopes, all Godward aspirations have faded utterly away. The spectacle is full of warning for ourselves. It shows us that material advance may be moral retrogression, and that widely-extended comfort, rapidly-increasing knowledge, vast literary activity may co-exist in Philosophy with a dreary materialism, in morals with a corrupted selfishness, in religion with a blank negation. It proves to us—and at this moment the white cliffs of England seem to reverberate to us in echoing thunder the solemn lesson—it proves to us that not on refinement, but on spirituality; not on selfishness, but on sacrifice; not on knowledge, but on wisdom; not on intelligence, but on faith, rests the entire superstructure of national greatness and individual peace. Is it a true philosophy which prides itself on a perfect impartiality between the faith which in the fifteenth century produced a Picus of Mirandola, and in the eighteenth a Vincent de Paul, and that immoral deism which culminated in the one century in an Aretino and a Poggio, and in the other in a Marât and a Robespierre18? My brethren, let us beware lest, while the censer is in our hands, the spot of leprosy be on our foreheads. There is but one direction in which the disease can be developed; there is but one remedy whereby it can be cleansed. To these moral causes for the growth of unbelief it will be needless to return; our task summons us to deal with those which are more purely intellectual, and have their seat in the understanding rather than in the heart. There are assaults upon Christianity which have their ground in philosophy, in science, and in historical criticism. It is not easy to encounter them because once, like the tents of the nomads, they were shifted from day to day, but now the very frequency of their intrusion has won for them, among too many, the position of scattered indeed yet tolerated settlers. So that now it seems as though against the doctrines, and above all against the miracles of Christianity, there were, so to speak, "a conspiracy of silence," an agreement of contemptuous indifference; as though forsooth it were too late in the day to argue or to refute, and it were at once more effectual and more courteous to ignore. For instance, the central doctrine of Christianity is based upon a miracle, and in no small realm of literature the impossibility of miracles is calmly insisted upon as a discovery which needs no demonstration. Their invention is attributed to an imaginative reverence; their reception to an ignorant credulity; the present belief in them to the cant of an interested hypocrisy, or the deficiencies of intellectual gifts19. And are we timidly to admit these haughty assertions? are we meekly to bow before the intolerant dogmatism of an ignorant science? are we, the successors of those who overcame the world, to accept the patronising condescension which is willing to spare our venerable prejudices? Nay, unshaken amid the storm of contemptuous assertion, we reply that it requires a loftier height of intelligence to believe in miracles than to reject them20, because it involves the realisation of loftier than mere material verities, and the recognition of wider than purely physical laws. And can it, we ask, be so decisive a sign of contemptible inferiority, to hold a faith which was dear to the heart and acceptable to the intellect, I will not say of a Milton only, or a Bossuet, but of philosophers and mathematicians, of biologists and astronomers, of a Leibnitz and a Descartes, of a Haller and a Pascal, of a Copernicus and a Kepler, of a Bacon and a Ray21? Have we in the last century discovered laws so far more general than the law of gravitation, that the belief in Prophecy and Miracle which was natural to a Newton should be so drivelling in us? And with so many supreme intellects still among us, so many over whom the grave has but recently closed, who have humbly held our faith in all its breadth and in all its simplicity, are we to regard the days as past in which

                             "Piety has found
Friends in the friends of science, and true prayer
Has flown from lips wet with Castalian dews?"

Nay, but beside the graves of a Whewell and a Faraday let all at least that is shallow and noisy in modern Atheism, learn the humility of science, and the calm dignity of unshaken Christian faith!

        If we seek, my brethren, for the causes of this rejection of the supernatural, we shall find them partly in the recent tendency of metaphysical speculation, partly in certain logical inferences, partly in the increasing strength of various scientific conceptions: and each of these, as briefly as possible, we will consider in order.

        I. However noble may have been the lives of Spinoza, Kant, Fichte, Schelling, Hegel, and their lives were very noble; however sincerely they may have claimed—and most of them did claim—the position of humble Christians22 and religious philosophers; however magnificently they may have asserted—and some of them did assert with unequalled force—the majesty of the moral law within; above all, however little it may be fitting for us to pass judgment upon men so good and wise, with intolerant bigotry or austere condemnation,—yet certainly the total effect of their speculations was to idealise, say rather, to evaporate the facts of Christianity23,—to substitute the supposed intuitions of a natural24 for the firm truths of a revealed religion25. In their hands the simple faith in Christ was sublimated into a mere religious Theosophy, and the doctrine of His divinity furtively relegated from the light of history into a misty region of intellectual subtleties.

        And though understood only by the few, yet the effect of these systems extended to the many; and some who would have been unable to comprehend a single step of the arguments on which such views are founded, have yet grown to regard God as a "mere form of thought," and the belief in His objective existence as an imbecility of the understanding. Now we must not only admit,

————————————

     1 See Appendix A. return to text

     2 I John v. 10, tòn marturían. 2 Cor. i. 22, ho kaì sphragisámenos hemâs kaì doùs tòn arrabôna toû pneúmatos en taîs kardíais hemôn. return to text

     3 It seems no exaggeration to say that our evidence for the truth of Christianity is at least as strong as that of the earliest disciples. To minds not yet familiar with the methods of God's working, the fearful apparent disproportion between the short period of our Lord's ministry, and the apparent insignificance of its immediate visible results when compared with His Divine claims, would have gone far to outweigh a faith founded on His miracles in an age when miracles were comparatively disregarded. return to text

     4 John Hulse, born 1708, educated at Congleton Grammar School, entered St. John's College, Cambridge, at the age of 16. Owing to ill-treatment by his father, he was mainly supported by his college. He was ordained in 1732, and was for many years curate at Gostry. On the death of his father in 1753 he succeeded to the family estate, Elworth Hall, where he lived in retirement till his death in 1790. See Memoir of Hulse in Mr. Parkinson's Hulsean Lectures, 1838. In Mr. Hulse's will he stated that the object of the Hulsean Lecturer should be "to demonstrate in the most convincing and persuasive manner the truth and excellence of Christianity, so as to include not only the prophecies and miracles general and particular, but also any other proper or useful arguments, whether the same be direct or collateral proofs of the Christian religion, which he may think fittest to discourse upon,...or else any particular argument or branch thereof, and chiefly against notorious infidels whether Atheists or Deists." And he wished the following clause to be added by way of preface to the printed Lectures. "And may the Divine blessing for ever go along with all my benefactions, and may the Greatest and Best of Beings by His all-wise Providence and gracious influence make the same effectual to His own glory and the good of my fellow-creatures." return to text

     5 Acts xxiv. 5, loimòn kaì kinoûnta stásin. I Cor. iv. 13, as perikathármata toû kósmou egenéthemen, pánton perípsema. return to text

     6 See Tac. Ann. xv. 44, "quos per flagitia invisos vulgus Christianos appellabat. . .repressaque in praesens exitiabilis superstitio rursum erumpebat, non modo per Judæam, originem ejus mali, sed per urbem etiam, quo cuncta undique atrocia aut pudenda confluunt." Cf. Sueton. Ner. 16, Claud. 25. Plin. Epp. x. 97, "Nihil aliud inveni quam superstitionem pravam et immodicam." return to text

     7 Acts xxviii. 22; I Pet. ii. 12, iv. 14. In the expression "odio humani generis convicti" (Tac. l.c.), the genitive is objective, "their hatred for the human race." The Christians were confounded with the Jews, and their absence from the games, &c., was construed as being mere moroseness. Cf. Tac. Hist. v. 5, where he says "adversus omnes alios hostile odium." Among other things the Christians were constantly charged with Atheism, eí tis átheos è Christianòs è Epikoúreios, Luc. Alex. Pseud. xxxviii. Aîre toùs athéous was the cry at the martyrdom of Polycarp. Cf. Dio. Cass. lxvii. 14, "Homines deploratæ, illicitæ, ac desperatæ factionis." Cæcilius in Min. Fel. Oct. viii. return to text

     8 In a remarkable little book called The Modern Buddhist, translated by Mr. Alabaster from the Kitchanukit of Chao Phya Ipipakon, foreign minister in Siam, we constantly find such complaints as the following, in answer to perfectly honest doubts and remarks: "When I had said this the missionary became angry, and saying, I was hard to teach, left me." "The Missionary replied, 'If any one spoke like this in European countries he would be put in prison.'" And in reply to a question as to the doctrine of original sin, "the Missionary answered, 'It is waste of time to converse with evil men who will not be taught,' and so left me;" pp. 29, 34, 35. This, it need hardly be said, was not St. Paul's method, but the very reverse of it. return to text

     9 "O testimonium animæ naturaliter Christianæ!" Tert. Apolog. 17. return to text

     10 I Cor. ii. 14, ad fin., &c. "How can ye believe which receive honour from men, and seek not the honour which cometh of God only?" John v. 44. Compare such passages as Ps. xxv. 14; John vii. 17; Rom. viii. 7, xiv. 17, &c. "Il y a assez de lumière pour ceux qui ne désirent que de voir, et assez d'obscurité pour ceux qui ont une disposition contraire." Pascal, Pensées, ii. 151, ed. Faugère. "Christian faith," says an American writer of genius, "is a grand cathedral with divinely-pictured windows. Standing without, you see no glory nor can possibly imagine any: standing within, each ray of light reveals a harmony of unspeakable splendour." Nath. Hawthorne, Transformation, p. 262. return to text

     11 ho mèn échon tà kreí tona ôta akoúei Theoû ho dè kekophoménos tèn tês psuchês akoèn anaistheteî légontos Theoû. Orig. c. Cels. ii. 72. return to text

     12 Neander. Hence the nickname Pectoralisten given to his followers. return to text

     13 Fichte, Unser Denksystem ist sehr oft nur die Geschichte unseres Herzens. Similarly he says that "Truth is descended from conscience." and that "men do not will according to their reason, but reason according to their will." Bestimmung der Menschen, p. 293, &c. return to text

     14 Cf. Pascal, Pens. ii. 108, "Nous connaissons la verite non seulement par la raison, mais encore par le coeur." "Love God and He will dwell with you; obey God and He will reveal the truth of His deepest teaching to you." Robertson, God's Revelations of Heaven. But no one has expressed this truth in nobler language than Clem. Alex., Strom. V. i. 13, Kaì toûto ên hò enídsato hóstis áoa ên ekeînos ho epígrapsas tê eisódo toû en Epidaúro neô
                                        agnòn chrè néoio thuódeos entòs íonta
                                           émmenai hagneíe d' ésti phroneîn hósia

and then, after quoting Matt. xviii. 3, he continues, entaûtha gàr ho neòs toû Theoû trisìn hedrasménos themelíois, pístei, elpídi, agápe phaínetai. Cf. id. VII. x. 57. A crowd of writers in all ages have testified to the same fact. "Teneritas conscientiæ," says Tertullian, "obduratur in callositatem voluntarii erroris." Ad Nationes, ii. i. Shakespeare has not suffered it to pass unnoticed:

"For when we in our viciousness grow hard,
Oh misery on't, the wise gods seal our eyes,
In our own filth drop our clear judgments, make us
Adore our errors, laugh at us while we strut
To our confusion."

"Wer es glaubt, dem ist das Heilge nach," said Schiller; and so too Schleiermacher, "Der Glaube ist in mir lebendig durch die That." return to text

     15 Witness the historic filiation of such writers as La Mettraie to Voltaire; of Strauss to Hegel, and of Feuerbach and Bruno Bauer to Strauss. In the old philosophy we may notice the same kind of downward progress, from Protagoras to Diagoras of Melos. return to text

     16 "In the perplexities of nations, in their struggles for existence, their infancy, their impotence, or even their disorganization, they have higher hopes and nobler passions: out of the suffering comes the serious mind; out of the salvation, the grateful heart; out of endurance, fortitude; out of deliverance, faith... But when they have done away with violent and external sources of suffering, worse evils seem to arise out of their rest; evils that vex less and mortify more, that suck the blood though they do not shed it, and ossify the heart though they do not torture it." Ruskin's Mod. Painters, ii. 5. The whole of the noble passage of which this is an extract is well worthy of study. return to text

     17 Bacon, in his Essay "Of Atheism" after saying that "None deny there is a God, but those for whom it maketh that there were no God," adds among the causes of Atheism "Learned Times, specially with Peace and Prosperity: for troubles and adversity doe more bow men's mindes to Religion." Ess. xvi. "L'abus du savoir produit l'incrédulité. Tout savant dédaigne le sentiment vulgaire; chacun en veut avoir un à soi. L'orgueilleuse philosophie mène à l'esprit fort comme l'aveugle dévotion mène au fanatisme." Rousseau. (This and other passages from Rousseau I quote from Pensées et Maximes de F. F. Rousseau.) Œuvres Complètes, Vol. xxxvi. p. 45. return to text

     18 I borrow the expression from De Lammenais, Ess. sur l'Indiférence en Matières de Religion, i. 250. "On s'enorgueillit de garder la neutralité de l'ignorance entre la doctrine qui a produit Vincent de Paul et celle qui a produit Marât." Giovanni Pico della Mirandola (b. 1463, d. 1491) after his early period of exuberant display may certainly be regarded as one of the most sincere and interesting characters of the fifteenth century. Aretino, one of the vainest and vilest of men, belongs in point of time rather to the 16th century, having been born in 1491. return to text

     19 Can anything he more insolent than the language used by Strauss on this subject? He says "It certainly required no small amount of assurance for any one to stand forth in the face of the present age with an ostensibly sincere profession of implicit belief in miracle... When Gfrörer declares in relation to the treating of the cripple &c. that he regards these cases simply as miraculous, this we understand as a slap in the face administered to the scepticism of the philosophical critic, or as a thump upon the taproom table on which he made his peroration; but we know how little he is in earnest from the way in which he contrives to set aside other miracles." New Life of Jesus (Authorised Transl. i. 38, 39). A little further on he says that Meyer's acquiescence in the Gospel narratives as miraculous "becomes in this instance an admission of his own imbecility;" and that Ebrard's views upon this subject "bespeak the consummate insolence of orthodox reaction;" and that (p. 42) the "pompous and stunning phraseology" of Ewald "sounds like a portentous sign of that last stage of existence in which the whole of this style of theology may be said to be awaiting its doom." This is a style of invective to which we hope that theologians will never, under any provocation, condescend to recur. return to text

     20 See Grau, Ueber den Glauben als die höchste Vernunft, 1865. "Nur wenige Menschen sind weise genug anzusehen, dass es viel mehr Geist dazu braucht, um Wunder zu glauben, als Verstand um sie zu leugnen." Schenkel, Was ist Wahrheit? p. 20. return to text

     21 See a crowd of such testimonies quoted from Ritter, Agassiz, Martius, Newton, Kepler, &c. in Uhlhorn, Die modernen Darstellungen des Lebens Jesu, pp. 143 sqq. For some account of the calm and simple piety of Euler and Haller, see Hagenbach, Germ. Rationalism, pp. 112-115 (Engl. Tr.). The epitaph of Copernicus is well known:

"Non parem Pauli gratiam requiro,
  Veniam Petri neque posco; sed quam
  In crucis ligno dederas latroni
                 Sedulus oro."

"It is true that a little Philosophy inclineth a man's minde to Atheisme; But depth in Philosophy bringeth men's mindes about to Religion: For while the minde of man looketh upon Second Causes scattered, it may sometimes rest in them, and goe no further: But when it beholdeth the chaine of them, confederate and linked together, it must needs flie to Providence and Deitie." Bacon, Essay xvi. Of Atheisme. The same thought is repeatedly to be found in Pascal. See Luthardt, Apolog. Vort. 262. return to text

     22 Cicero had said "Eos qui philosophiæ operam dant, non arbitrari Deos esse." De Invent. i. 29. But there is happily the distinctest evidence that Kant, Schelling, Fichte, Jacobi, Hegel were sincere Christians, although many passages of their philosophical writings undoubtedly tended to a mere idealization of Christian truths. See Hagenbach, Germ. Rationalism, 296, 317, 405, Engl. Tr. return to text

     23 Kant used indignantly to repel every word spoken in disparagement of the historic Saviour, and said that he bowed reverently before His name, and regarding himself in comparison as a bungler interpreting Him as best he could (Vorowski's Life of Kant, p. 86, n.), yet no doubt the immediate effects of his system "were to destroy revelation by leaving nothing to be revealed" (Rev. A. S. Farrar, Bampton Lct. p. 323). For Schelling's views, see Methode des Akad. Studium, Vorles. 9. In his old age, however, as Heine scornfully says of him, "dieser Mann est abtrünnig geworden von seiner eignen Lehre...er ist zurückgeschlichen in den Glaubenstall der Vergangenheit." Salon, p. 275. That Strauss is the natural development of Hegel, see his Glaubenslehre, ii. 214, Die Halben und die Ganzen, p. 42, "Ich machte meine Sache so gut als ich auf meinem damaligen Standpunkte könnte. Dieser Standpunkt war der der Hegel'schen Philosophie." &c. Feuerbach again is the natural successor of Strauss, who in his Christian Märklin thanks him for "das Pünktchen das er auf unser I gesetzt." "Feuerbach, will ich jetzt sagen, hat das Doppeljoch, wohin bei Hegel Philosophie und Theologie noch gingen, zerbrochen." Die Halb. und die Ganzen, p. 50. See too Schwartz, Gesch. d. Neuest. Theol. p. 24. Fichte says "Nur das Metaphysische keineswegs aber das Historische, macht selig; das letztere macht nur verständig." Hegel expressed similar opinions, Phänomenologie, pp. 568, 572, 574. Gesch. d. Philosophie, iii. 249. From Chalybäus, Historical Survey of Speculative Philosophy (translated by Mr Tulke), from Mansel's Metaphysics, 299 sqq. 302-320, or from Mr G. H. Lewes's brilliant Biog. Hist, of Philosophy, vol. ii., the English reader may gain a fair general conception of the views of Kant, Fichte, Schelling, and Hegel. Even the slightest adequate survey of their views will be sufficient to establish the proof of what is said in the text. return to text

     24 "La religion naturelle n'existe que dans las livres." Guizot, Meditations, ii. 137. return to text

     25 "The Infinite and the Absolute are names of two Counter imbecilities of the human mind transported into properties of the nature of things; subjective negatives converted into objective affirmations." Sir W. Hamilton. "Fichte is compelled to confess that he knows no other God than the moral order of things." Mansel, Metaph. p. 306. "In its consequences the Philosophy of the Absolute admits of no alternative but Atheism or Pantheism...Religion is equally annihilated under both suppositions; for if there is no God, whom are we to worship? and if all things are God, who is to worship Him?

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